"The way out is not right away because it requires to raise awareness" By ROBERTO GIUSTI EL UNIVERSAL - May 31, 2014
"One hundred days ago, the people were not clear about the lack of full democracy in Venezuela," Arellano says. "Whereas in 2013 there were 5,000 demonstrations, in 2014 we need to change those in the Executive Branch," adds the student leader
Her dedication is total and absolute, her activity, frenetic. She has not lowered her guard in 100 days of protest. Ratifying her militancy with opposition party Voluntad Popular (VP), Gaby Arellano denies that students protests are elitist, setting herself as an example: She was born in Michelena (Táchira state) and is about to get her Bachelor's Degree in History at Los Andes University (ULA). Arellano claims her humble origins, and confesses her desire to dedicate her life to the ungrateful practice of politics.
-A death toll of 42, thousands of detainees, dozens of victims of torture, and general unrest, was it worth the conflict?
Absolutely. After 100 days of the call we made to the country on February 12, in view of so much abuse, we see an evident reality. Repression rose like a monster and shed light on what was happening in shadows. We just unmasked the government. There are thousands of Venezuelans in prison, and prosecutors act like henchmen of the (ruling) United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), which follows orders from Havana. For me, what has been achieved in the last 100 days is an success, because the future of the country depends on the activism of all of us, asking for respect for the constitution.
-According to "the way out" motto, wasn't the goal changing the government, which has not taken place?
That is one of our deficiencies. We have not communicated well enough because we are still building the way out. It is about activating every constitutional option, and that requires people on the streets. One hundred days ago, the people were not clear about the lack of full democracy in Venezuela. That perception is now alive, but Venezuelans, because of their idiosyncrasy, are inclined to the immediate satisfaction. They thought it was a matter of two marches and that was it. On the contrary, we need to raise awareness, activate every factor, and make the leaders understand the message the society is conveying.
-When we ask ourselves if our life changed in the last 100 days, the answer would be yes. Now it is worse.
I would say that instead of worrying we should get busy. That means unmasking the political system, and making clear we are not in democracy, that is why this does not need vote count. It is about changing a system, activating the Constitution, and ending up with an election, because every conflict ends in dialogue, and every dialogue ends in elections.
-If we are under a dictatorship, what makes you think this will end up in an election?
The main gain of the 100 days of protest is that the current political model was left without people. The streets are proof of it, where the government uses fire arms and prevent people from reaching government headquarters in downtown Caracas. Has the repression been painful, with pitiful results for students and VP's activists, having lost 42 Venezuelans? Yes, but it was not part of the plan. On February 12, it was said that months would pass for the people to understand the need to speak up. Surprisingly, the goal was closer than we thought, and the people, being fed up, spoke up earlier.
-But the government is still here.
Whereas in 2013 there were 5,000 demonstrations, in 2014 we need to change those in the Executive Branch and the State. However, this is not immediate. I say it after experiencing the harshest situations since the first day of conflict: saying goodbye to friends at the cemetery, having many Venezuelan brothers and sisters behind bars, seeing friends leaving the country, not knowing where I would sleep at night (I haven't been home in 100 days), and also reducing my life to a backpack with my personal belongings. Those sacrifices are not only endured by Gaby Arellano, but thousands of young people with one goal: build a different Venezuela.
-How do you conceive a "different" Venezuela?
A country where rulers listen to people's claims. That country refuses to die under fear and rights suppression. We transform that fear into courage. Have we made mistakes? Yes. But we face a monster transcending the country because it is a continental project, with a leadership deep in corruption and crime, protected by the dictators.
-You say you did not foresee cruelty when repressing students, but wasn't it foreseeable?
A year ago, we brought the university to a halt for lack of resources. We blocked streets, we marched all over the country and they did not throw one single tear gas canister. Nevertheless, they surprised us in February. We never imagined that on the first night of protests, they would shred a classmate's back.
-Why the change?
They know the people reject their model. Now, beyond that, there is a great division, and each commanding chief has their own politics. There is no communication among them. In Carabobo (state) repression has been worse because the governor and the commander of the (National Guard) CORE division think very differently. There are human rights violations all over the country. Although in some states the situation is worse, impunity is the norm.
-Isn't President Nicolás Maduro in charge?
Maduro is far away from reality. He knows that some military officers (from the CORE-Carabobo division) have killed some of our classmates, but he hasn't dismissed anyone. He also knows that Bassil Dacosta was killed by Minister Miguel Rodríguez Torres' bodyguards, but Maduro did not take measures for the detention of one of the main perpetrators of the most perverse acts.
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