TalCual: The Policy of Death in Venezuela By TalCual Latin American Herald Tribune October 13, 2014
Some things about the sort of war going on between the Chavismo political movement and its "colectivos" paramilitary groups seem to be clear at this moment.
We don't have to be expert police investigators to see the connections between the several murders that have affected people related to these irregular armed groups and that likewise involve a sector of the Government's police apparatus:
with regard to one of the two bodyguards of PSUV congressman Robert Serra (also murdered recently), the bodyguards mother publicly accused people close to his boss' environment in the Parliament of having committed the crime;
the assassination of Juan Montoya, a prominent figure of the Chavismo regime, a crime that took place on February 12 of this year by a member of Sebin (Venezuela's political police), and was acknowledged by the Public Prosecutor's Office;
the monstrous murders of Serra and his assistant in which, according to most circulating versions, at least another of his bodyguards was involved, while the Saturday edition of daily El Nacional talks about (off the record) the theft of a fair amount of money as a motive of the crime;
lastly, the undeniable clash between scientific police CICPC officers and an important sector of the "colectivos" that resulted in 5 deaths in their ranks, including ringleader José Odremán, who was frequently seen photographed with top government officials and high-ranking members of Chavismo on the Internet and, shortly before being shot to death by dozens of bullets, held the Minister of the Interior (Miguel Rodríguez Torres) responsible for the bloody events.
All these facts, plus the statements and articles by family members and supporters speaking – with ferocity and resentment – of devious actions and accusations such as "yesterday revolutionaries, today murderers" from the Government against these armed civil groups.
So it is not audacious to conclude there is an obvious interconnection of these facts and that a serious situation of conflict is manifested in them.
And that is elementary.
Because the contradictions involved in those bloody clashes and the objectives of the parties don't turn out to be very blatant.
These could go from an attempt by the Government to annihilate these parallel armed forces above the law and against any civilized principle, to bitter internal rivalries between PSUV groups, probably caused by the harsh economic crisis and eventual government policies in this regard. Or a combination of both variables.
We'll find out soon enough because the Government must have something to say, for example, about that pitched battle in the heart of the city fought against those who used to be its fraternal friends in the past. A battle that was monitored by a police helicopter and all. And that something, no matter how twisted, will allow to uncover more of all this that has proven to be no small thing at all.
Now then, if some of the lies regarding the Robert Serra murder case are revealed, given the noise it has made and the fair amount of allegations against members of the opposition coalition, or if the small war that took place near downtown Caracas last week has no convincing explanation, the credibility of the Venezuelan government that for many is worth nothing already may hit a record-low in those still believing in it. A significant cataclysm, indeed.
The so-called "colectivos" (yes, we know that some of them are peaceful and socially active) are a typical example of what may have some plausibility when the collective conscience submits to a widespread and intense delirium, but that turn into horrible creatures as soon as any malevolent wind dilutes part of the collective poisoning. We believe that Venezuela expects a solution to the tragedy, with the feeling of starting to awaken from an indescribable nightmare.
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