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Obama's troubling Cuba legacy. By Everett Ellis Briggs.  
  
13-10-2015

web/article.asp?artID=29644

Obama's troubling Cuba legacy   
By Everett Ellis Briggs 
Republican American
October 11, 2015

 
Now that diplomatic relations have been formally restored between the United States and Cuba, what does this portend for U.S. and Cuban interests, or prospects for change on the island?

The U.S. long has advocated for a return to democracy, an end to human rights abuses, and the promotion of "civil society" in Cuba. It had until now maintained ties to dissidents and human rights advocates on the island, encouraging them to stand up to the regime. These are people who daily risk their lives in the quest for freedom.

Normalized relations with Cuba by congressional law were supposed to be linked to a return to democracy in Cuba. The Obama administration ignored this when it announced the start of negotiations to restore formal ties.

At the very least, those negotiations might have included a settlement of claims by private Americans for restitution of the billions they lost when the communists seized their property without compensation, agreement by Cuba to adhere to internationally-agreed norms of diplomatic behavior; and on the U.S. side, and end to the restrictions on tourist travel to and investments in Cuba.

In the aftermath of the raising of each country's flag in the other's capital, none of this is even on the horizon.

Signs of change for the worst by both countries, however, have become increasingly apparent. On the U.S. side, at a news conference at the State Department heralding the opening of the Cuban embassy in Washington, D.C., pro-democracy Cuban-American media representatives were banned by State employees from participating, on the grounds they might upset the Cuban foreign minister. At the ceremony in Havana, leaders of the Cuban dissident movements were barred from attending not by the regime, but by the U.S., on the spurious grounds there was no room for them in the large plaza in front of our office building.

Since these events took place, prominent Cubans involved in the campaign for political and human rights have reported that the State Department and our embassy in Havana have ceased contacts with them, apparently out of concern for official Cuban sensitivity.

The public position of the Cuban government doesn't augur well for normalizing relations. Cuban President Raúl Castro at the UN last month again called for the lifting of the (non-existent) U.S. "blockade," and asked for billions in reparations for the economic damage the "blockade" allegedly has caused the regime. He also demanded the return of Guantánamo Bay to Cuban sovereignty, and in an aside that made no sense at all, declared that Puerto Ricans must be allowed to hold a plebiscite to vote for independence.

How ironic! Cubans are denied any voice in their future while the U.S. is told to grant the Puerto Ricans a right they already enjoy — regularly expressed as a strong preference for retaining the Commonwealth.

And so after months of secret negotiations, what we have, beside turning our back on dissidents and human rights activists, is a formal recognition by the United States of the legitimacy of the Castro regime, a campaign by the administration to void or circumvent the few remaining restrictions on doing business with the Cuban regime, and a conscious stimulation of one-way tourism in the illusion that this somehow will lead to an improvement in the social, economic, political, and human rights situation on the island.

An illusion because just last month alone, there were more than 800 political arrests in Cuba, continuing the sharp increase in repression of dissidents by the regime since last December's joint announcement about normalizing relations. To appease the Castros, the U.S. took Cuba off the State Department's list of state sponsors of terrorism (despite evidence of ongoing support for terrorist movements in Latin America), and softened criticism of Cuba's appalling human rights record in State's annual worldwide human rights report.

Most Americans probably aren't aware that there has been, and still is, no reciprocity in privileges and immunities we grant their diplomats, but they deny ours. The U.S. respects the inviolability of Cuban diplomatic pouches but allows the Cuban regime not only to inspect our pouches but to dictate what our mission can import. The same goes for household and personal effects shipments of our personnel. Unaccountably, the State Department has allowed this to go on for years, without protest.

One has to wonder how American taxpayers might feel to learn that for years the U.S. has been paying the Cuban government millions of dollars in salaries for the 300 local employees (including an unknown number of spies) picked by the regime to work inside our diplomatic facility.

The U.S. in effect is violating its own law (the embargo) that prohibits Americans' doing business with a regime that skims off most of the salaries it collects for the employees it chooses to work for foreigners. Example: a few years back, the official salary the U.S. paid the regime for the top man in the Havana mission's motor pool was $500 a month. What the driver got from the regime in pesos was the equivalent of $12. This system still is in effect.

The promised infusion of new American money, now that some of the restrictions are being sidestepped by the administration, all but ensures that the regime will survive, when only a year ago, it was financially on the ropes. Already, Raúl's son, Alejandro Castro, is being groomed as Raúl's successor. Alejandro, the unnamed officer visible in most photographs of Castro with foreign dignitaries — most recently at his meeting with President Obama in New York — is a colonel in the Cuban army, the current head of intelligence.

Cuba, like North Korea, is a family enterprise, not likely to disappear soon.

What has the U.S. gotten from the reestablishment of relations? Nothing.

No. That is not quite right. We got an invitation for our president to visit Havana. He sees this as an important part of his legacy.

Which explains everything.

Everett Ellis Briggs of Norfolk is a former ambassador to Panama, Honduras and Portugal.

______________

 

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    Eitores y Redactores  

Guillermo Milán Reyes. Artículos, Entrevistas y Documentos.

Entrevistas realizadas a Guillermo Milán Reyes, editor y redactor de esta página Web "Cuba Democracia Y Vida.org", por varios periodistas de importantes periódicos en Maputo-Mozambique, a mediados del 2004. CUBA DEMOCRACIA Y VIDA.ORG

Colaboradores:

Dr. Alberto Roteta Dorado: ARTÍCULOS Y OPINIONES SOBRE CUBA Y LA SITUACIÓN MUNDIAL.

Dr. Eloy A. González: ARTÍCULOS SOBRE LA SITUACIÓN CUBANA Y ASUNTOS RELIGIOSOS DE CUBA.

Imgemiero Químico Roberto L. Capote Castillo:

Profesor José Vilasuso Rivero. Artículos y Documentos sobre el Che Guevara.

Julio M. Shiling

Lcdo. Sergio Ramos

Domingo Lezcano, colaborador de nuestra Web CubaDemocracia yVida.ORG: ARTÍCULOS Y OPINIONES.

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